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Aggression in Ukraine ends 30-year ties between Washington State and Russia

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Watching Russia in a warlike and aggressor role in its unprovoked war on Ukraine has likely brought a mix of sadness and regret for those who recall the time in 1994 that Boris Yeltsin, first president of the Russian Federation, stood before a Seattle luncheon audience of 800 that included ambassadors from many nations and shared his vision of a special relationship between this state and his nation’s Far East.

The unlikely but real relationship between a state and one of the world’s most powerful nations that began to develop more than 30 years ago and reached a high point in the ‘90s came to a sad but necessary end last week as both the state of Washington and the non-profit Council for US-Russia Relations ended ties with Russia because of its military aggression against Ukraine.

carol vipermanCarol Viperman - Founder, Foundation for Russian-American Economic CooperationGov. Jay Inslee last week ordered state agencies to cut ties with Russian institutions and the Council for US-Russia Relations condemned the “military aggression by the Russian Federation against the Ukrainian sovereign nation and people,” adding ‘We call for the earliest cessation of hostilities and withdrawal of Russian Federation forces from Ukraine.”

Derek Norberg, President and Founder of the Council of U.S.-Russia Relations, and Executive Director of its subsidiary Russian American Pacific Partnership (RAPP) said in advising me of the council’s action last week: “We are unable to continue, given the current situation.”

Although there was a trio of important events in that special relationship, mainly an economic one, for Washington State and the Russian Federation, the relationship was guided over two decades mainly by the Seattle-based Foundation for Russian-American Economic Cooperation and its founder and president, Carol Vipperman.

The first of those special events was the 1990 Goodwill Games in Seattle, which were never envisioned to be held in Seattle when media mogul Ted Turner, troubled by the political boycotts of the Olympics by the U.S, in 1980 and by the U.S.S.R. in 1984, decided to sponsor an international sporting event. The first games were held in Moscow in 1986 with the second destined for the U.S. four years later.
 
Even before the Moscow games opened, sports promoter Bob Walsh created the Seattle Organizing Committee to bring the games to Seattle. On June 19, 1986, the Committee won the bid from Turner for the 1990 games, outdoing five other cities that had hoped to be selected, and Walsh began putting together a $180 million production.

Seattle hosted those second Goodwill Games in July and August of 1990. Thousands of athletes from nearly a hundred countries competed at local venues, including the UW, the Tacoma Dome, and Weyerhaeuser King County Aquatic Center that was built for the games. By then the U.S.S.R., was mid-way through its three-year dissolution that resulted in the emergence of 15 independent republics, including Russia.

The Games’ keynote address, a very brief welcome, came from Ronald Reagan, who had finished his second term just 18 months earlier. The Cold War was then almost over with what President Reagan had once described as “the Evil Empire” on the brink of collapse.

It was actually the year prior to the Goodwill games that Vipperman, a Seattle marketing consultant, was invited to join a U.S. group invited to go to Moscow and Leningrad to look in on newly formed cooperatives designed to pursue U.S. business approaches. She returned and launched the Foundation.

 
Derek NorbergDerek Norberg - Founder, President Council of US-Russia Relations“Remember April of 1989,” Vipperman replied when I asked her what her expectations were informing the foundation. “It would be seven months before the wall fell. We felt if we could do business together we’d be less likely to go to war.”

Derek Norberg, founder, President Council of US-Russia Relations
 
And so for the next 22 years, FRAEC would be a leader in the quest to build economic ties between the two nations.

Ralph Munro, then-Secretary of State, actually went to Russia on a people-to-people mission in 1983, a time when the tensions in the relationship between our two countries were at a peak.

“The Russians thought we were going to wipe them out,” Munro recalled. “All they seemed to want to talk about with an American was how we were going to kill them. Then I ran across people who thought there was hope.”

Then a year following the Games, as business relationships were being pursued both in the Russian Far East mainland and on Sakhalin Island, Alaska Airlines decided to commence summer service to the port town of Magadan, and Khabarovsk, the largest city in the Far East. Alaska eventually extended its service to five cities in the rugged Far East of Russia.

It's worth noting that Seattle is 500 air miles closer to Magadon than Moscow is. Vipperman said, “The Alaska flights were meaningful to both sides.”

Munro recalled taking eight to 10 trips to the Russian Far East, including one on which he “took the first boxes of Washington State Pears to that region and they went crazy for them.”

In 1992 the new Russian Republic opened its first consulate office in the U.S. in Seattle, with what was described as “jubilation.” Chicago, with a large Russian population, had expected to be selected, but it was Seattle.

“We got the consulate, and they gave us a consul general, Georgiy Vlasken, a visionary guy who wanted to make things happen,” Munro said.

Vipperman recalled that Vlaskin was “a vegan vegetarian and never drank,” which brought back an amusing memory of my encounter with him when Vlaskin invited me and three of my editorial people to come to his Capitol Hill home for a get-acquainted lunch.

As the four of us sat down, Vlaskin poured a vodka for each of us and offered a toast. As he drank down his vodka, I did the same. Then he poured another and drank it down, so I did as well.

It was a day on which I had to drive to the airport for an afternoon flight to Spokane so I was a bit edgy when he poured a third vodka for both of us and drank his down. I carefully downed mine and told him that was all for me.

When I later related the incident to Vipperman, she laughed and informed me he always had water in his vodka glasses.

Washington State’s relationship soon grew to include most West Coast states and several in other parts of the country.

“The vision was originally for Washington State and we led states by a long way in trade and commerce,’ Norberg of the Council of U.S. Russia Relations told me. “And we had the only operating joint U.S.-Soviet joint venture company, Marine Resources Co. International,” a company with which Norberg held a variety of management positions in the 1990s.In the late 1980s, Norberg worked on Soviet fishing joint-ventures in U.S. waters off Alaska, Washington, and Oregon.

Ralph MunroRalph Munro - Former Secretary of StateNorberg’s Russian-American Pacific Partnership held its 26th annual meeting last July, a bilateral gathering that attracted 90 participants from both Washington, D.C., and Moscow as well as representatives from seven states and seven eastern Russian regions. Among presentations was one by John Sullivan, U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation, who said there are now some 1,100 U.S. companies operating in Russia.

Sullivan noted that “during times when our two governments do not see eye to eye on many issues, annual meetings like RAPP assume even greater importance. Such meetings between businesspeople, entrepreneurs, academics, and students, and regional and civic leaders serve to explore the many avenues for potential cooperation and provide ballast when the bilateral relationship is strained.”

Then came the Ukraine invasion. And that has left little but reflection.

“We have no interest in having anything to do with Russia now,” said Norberg. “I don’t think there’s going to be much return to anything normal. There’s no path for Russia to return, except without Putin.”

Alaska Airlines’ service to the Russian Far East was driven by both the pursuit of a business opportunity as well as our interest in building cultural ties between regions of the Far North,” said Joe Sprague, president of Horizon Air who was Alaska’s senior vice president for external relations when I did a column a few years ago recalling the Russian Far East service.

Alaska had to discontinue the connection in 1998 when the Russian economy collapsed. In an email to me for this column, Sprague said: “Regrettably, the business opportunity did not fully materialize and there were significant logistical challenges. It’s unfortunate because, as we see today, those bridges of understanding are more important than ever.”

Alaska’s innovative outreach to the Russian Far East actually went back almost two decades earlier, in the early ‘70s, when the Seattle-based carrier began charter service to the Soviet Union’s Siberia as a result of what has been described as “secret negotiations” between the airline and Soviet Authorities.

When the U.S. Department of State learned of the deal, it decided not to block the plan, indicating it didn’t want to create a negative response from the Soviet Union. It might also be assumed the agency wanted to avoid a negative response from Washington State’s two U.S. senators, Warren Magnuson and Henry Jackson, then among the Senate’s most powerful members.

Joe Sprague - Horizon Air PresidentJoe Sprague - Horizon Air PresidentI have my own Russian memories since part of the Goodwill Games involved conferences and hosting Russians. Thus as the publisher of the Business Journal, I agreed to host a journalist. So Mikail (Misha) Bonderenko, a 39-year-old journalist who was actually the president of the young journalists of Europe, became not only part of the PSBJ staff for a couple of weeks, but also my family’s house guest.

Through him my wife and three kids had the unique experience of learning first hand about Russia and Russians since later Misha asked me if we would host his wife and 9-year-old daughter, Masha, and Dasha, who lived with us for a time as we introduced to the growing Russian community in the Seattle area.

Meanwhile, Misha and I created a Russian newsletter with the intent of keeping interested business people informed of developments in Russia.. But we couldn’t generate enough newsletter sales to keep him interested, in part because he had a career to build and I lost track of him.

Vipperman recalled for me winding down her organization in 2011 because funding, primarily from government sources, was winding down as relations between the two nations were deteriorating.

She recalled, “getting the most touching emails from people all over the world” when word of FRAEC’s closing spread.

But she said she remained hopeful about the future until returning from a photo workshop on Mt. Rainier “I turned the radio and the top item on the newscast was that Putin was going to run for president again in 2012.”

"I was glad no one was around to hear the four-letter words that spewed out," she chuckled.
 
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Deteriorating U.S.-Russia relationship sparks memories of strong Seattle ties built in late '80s

As the Soviet Union was dying and Russia re-emerging back in the late 1980s, the Seattle area was fashioning perhaps the closest ties of any city in America to that one-time Cold War foe.

Now those who were among the visionary leaders in Seattle who understood the value to their area of détente with a former enemy express disappointment and concern about the obvious deterioration of relations between Russia and the United States and its European allies over current events.

But there's more of a sense of sympathy than likely in other regions for the Russian leadership in the current situation, albeit disappointment that the post-Cold War ties that they helped engender are being undone.

And regardless of other thoughts on the souring relationship, most would agree with Carol Vipperman, who created the Foundation for Russian American Economic Cooperation (FRAEC) in April of 1989, even before the Soviet Union's death rattle had become its demise:"I never in my life thought we would be where we are today."

Referring to Russian President Vladimir Putin, Vipperman said in an interview "he's always been threatened by the kind of opposition that is scattered across Russia, and what's happening now, beginning with the end of free elections for governors of the states, is an indication of his long desire to have control."

Derek Norberg, executive director of the Council for U.S.-Russian Relations, says "the State Department and White House paint a rather clean picture of 'white hats and black hats' in the Ukraine crisis, when in fact the hats are far more grey on both sides and fault in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine (and the degree to which it escalated) lies on all sides."

This is why achieving a lasting cease fire and peace is so difficult," said Norberg, who spent a number of years with Vipperman's organization,"There are parties on both sides whose interests are served by perpetuating the conflict."

"The policies on both sides (US and Russian) are suffering for it.  In my experience, working with the Russians closely is always more productive than is isolating them. For unclear reasons, we are pursuing a policy of isolating the Russians rather than engaging them, Norberg said.

Bob Walsh, who has been the Seattle link to virtually every initiative designed to enhance relations between the U.S. and Russia since the late 1980s, agrees relations are "going down the tube," but is more sympathetic to the Russian actions that have stirred the ire of the U.S. and its allies.

Referring to Putin's decision, in the face of bitter international opposition, to retake Crimea as a part of Russia," Walsh said "I have no problem with that. Ninety percent of the people there wanted to go back to Russia and most citizens of Crimea are happy that they are again part of Russia."

Walsh has not only remain involved with Russia and its citizens, including putting two Russian students through Seattle University, he is now engaged in as-yet unannounced campaign to create a memorial display at the Washington State History Museum in Tacoma to the long relationship between the two nations that he helped foster.

Given the current issues straining ties between the two nations, it may be worth reflecting on the role this region took in helping build relations between the two leading nations as the Cold War came to an end and trust needed to be built to replace hostility.

Perhaps the most visible of those initiatives was the 1990 Goodwill Games, which brought the attention of the world to the Olympic-like athletic games between Russia and the United States.

I asked Walsh to recall for me how those came about and he explained that Ted Turner had been unhappy with the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympics and "wanted to bring people together so he went to see Mikhail Gorbachev and got him to agree to do the Goodwill Games in Russia in 1986."

"Turner called me and asked if we could do a similar event in Seattle in 1990," Walsh recalled. "Frankly we expressed the most interest and I don't recall other cities wanting it."

"Don't forget we were still in the middle of the Cold War and President Reagan had just referred to the Soviet Union as the 'Evil Empire,'" Walsh said. "Mayor Wes Uhlman had already begun a sister city relationship and it seemed we were more open to relations with people in other parts of the world."

Walsh went on to build relationships beyond Russia, creating strong personal ties in Georgia, where he guided the first western investment in the capital of Tiblisi, "all Seattle money with which we built two Marriott Hotels and changed the face of the city."

The focus on opening doors and creating relationships was broad based in the Seattle area, extending to everything from airline connections to Junior Achievement.

Alaska Airlines tied the Seattle area (and the state of Alaska) to the Russian Far East in the '90 as only regular air service can do. Before the breakup of the Soviet Union had been completed in December of 1991, the Seattle-based carrier had launched what would become service to five cities in the far eastern part of Russia with flights that helped thaw relations between the U.S. and the Russian Far East region

The Seattle-based carrier, which said it made money on the Russia runs until the economic downturn in Russia in the late '90s prompted Alaska to discontinue service, even instituted a program of allowing Americans who held multiple-entry visas to city hop within Russia on Alaska Airlines.

In 1993, to facilitate trans-Pacific tourism and trade, Russia opened a consulate in Seattle and the United States opened a consulate in Vladivostok, to which Alaska began year-round flights in 1994.

In fact, Alaska Airlines' ties to what was then the Soviet Union began in 1971 with charter service to Siberia, the outcome of more than three years of what were described as "secret negotiations" between Alaska and Soviet authorities that a reluctant U.S. State Department, once learning of the agreement, gave permission for more than two dozen flights in 1970, '71 and '72.

And Seattle's Junior Achievement board members were instrumental in establishing JA in Russia. That was 1991, as part of a Rotary International program initiated Washington's then Secretary of State Ralph Munro, when several Rotarians went to Moscow and a JA student from Seattle was invited to speak before the Presidium.

"We also had JA USA kids compete with Russian JA kids in the management and economic simulation exercise simulation where the Russian students won," recalls David Moore, JA president for Washington."

"It was obvious that there was higher level of interest in private enterprise among the Russian students," he added, of what has become the second largest JA program in the world.

Focusing solely on the economic cost, and economic ties were clearly the impetus for the initial post-Cold War overtures from leaders in this area, Norberg observed: "Compromising long-term and hard won U.S. business interests in Russia over the principals of Ukraine's sovereignty fails the fundamental test of economic pragmatism. "

"Economically, our policy is doing U.S. businesses a real disservice," he said. "The opportunities lost for the U.S., EU, Russian and global economies are hard to estimate, but are significant.

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